Charles "Chuck" Morgan Jr. (March 11, 1930 - January 8, 2009) is an American civil rights lawyer from Alabama who played a key role in establishing the "one man, one vote" principle in the Supreme Court of the United States decision in 1964 Reynolds v. Sims and represents Julian Bond and Muhammad Ali in their legal battle.
Video Charles Morgan Jr.
Biography
Morgan was born in Cincinnati, Ohio, on March 11, 1930, and grew up in Kentucky. He moved with his family to Birmingham, Alabama, at the age of 15. The Morgan family is always known to employ black help in their households. Morgan attended the University of Alabama, where he obtained his law degree and met his wife, former Camille Walpole.
The day after the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing that killed four black girls in Birmingham in September 1963, Morgan spoke publicly at his lunch meeting with Birmingham's Young Men Business Club, right in the middle of the White City, blaming the leaders society for their role in the failure to confront the climate of racial hatred, stating that "Everyone in this community who has contributed over the last few years to the popularity of hatred is at least as guilty, or more than that, from the mad fool who threw the bomb". Morgan declared: "Four little girls died in Birmingham yesterday.The angry and curious community asked, 'Who did it? Who tossed the bomb? Is it a Negro or a white man?' The answer should be, 'We all do it.' Every one of us is criticized for the crime and the previous bombings and a decade ago We all do it. "Morgan accused the white leaders of Birmingham of maintaining an air of discriminatory violence that already exists. Up to this point, his legal career has been fine, but this speech changed it for him. His statement jeopardized his legal practice and caused death threats against himself and his family. This threat is what caused Morgan to close his legal practice and move his family out of Birmingham.
The two biggest points of Morgan's power of democracy are equal voting and agreement among all citizens, but especially to Southern blacks. Although he placed his focus on African Americans in the South, during his career as a lawyer, Morgan defended many others from various backgrounds of life â € "all races, genders, backgrounds, etc. He even defends people he does not approve of.
As the Civil Rights movement developed, separatism became a more general and widespread idea. Proponents of this movement speak for separatism more and more. But Morgan did not; he continues to cling to his belief that the integration of separatism is what will succeed. Morgan always had close relationships and good relationships with groups he did not necessarily agree on, such as segregationis and "moderate silence." This is possible for him because he uses the same tolerance in his daily life and career that he teaches to others.
Charles Morgan is a Democrat all his life. He was first attracted to populist James E. Folsom, governor for two non-consecutive periods from 1947 to 1959. One of the things that attracted Morgan to Folsom was Folsom's early confidence in integration. Folsom stated, "As long as the Negroes are detained by shortages and lack of opportunities, other poor people will be detained next to them," in 1949.
Harrison Salisbury wrote a controversial section in The New York Times in 1960 that relates to the tone and beliefs of Morgan's future. Bureaucrats sued a paper on claims of defamation. The Court summons the Speech of Robert Hughes, who is a White Methodist minister and also director of the Council for Alabama Human Relations, for their record of supporting the council; Hughes wanted to fight the invasion, so he asked Charles Morgan to represent him. Since he represents Hughes (called "negro lover" by white and racist people) in this case, the Ku Klux Klan began harassing Morgan. He received an anonymous phone call, harassment in the courthouse of members, and various threats. Distracted by the Clan makes Morgan come to realize that there are two sides to this same battle of rights; supporters for them, and those who fight them. He accidentally chose one side.
Therefore, Morgan is becoming more radical in his practice and beliefs, but has remained within the law. He represents Boaz Sanders, a black-killing defendant, and sues his alma mater himself, University of Alabama, because they will not accept two black men to school.
In 1964, he established the Southern Regional Office for the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) in Atlanta. He fought three court cases about the Vietnam War protest as the leader of the ACLU. Through these cases, he was responsible for directing international attention to the restrictions placed on freedom of armed speech. In 1972, the ACLU referred to Morgan as the legislative director of his national office in Washington, D.C. Morgan led the ACLU effort to get President Nixon fired from his post. In June 1973, when there was no talk at all about impeachment among the public, Morgan estimated to his staff that Nixon would be removed from office "by the end of this year." He edited and published a 56-page handbook titled "Why President Richard Nixon Should Not Be Fulfilled," explains the process, which is almost unknown to the public. He spread it to all members of Congress. [
"Chuck" Morgan is a smoking drinker, Diet Coke drinker, and civil rights involving lawyers and other staff in his busy office in policy decisions.
Morgan and a group of other lawyers filed a lawsuit in 1962 that aims to require reapportionment of the Legislative Alabama, to undo the system in which rural districts in southern Alabama have far greater voting power than areas in the northern part of the urbanized state. In the case of the Supreme Court of 1964 Reynolds v. Sims , Morgan successfully declared that the districts of the state legislature should be almost the same size, establishing the principle of "one person, one vote" to end effective use. a conspiracy that gives greater political power to rural legislators who control the Legislature of Alabama. Morgan is also part of the case of White v. Crook . This case caused the Alabama jury to become racially integrated, and stated that the female restrictions of the Alabama jury were unconstitutional. Another big case that Charles Morgan invested was the case of Whitus v. Georgia in 1967. In this case, the five death sentences of Georgia were set aside because the case discriminated against the jury as a result of a separate racial tax digest unconstitutional.
After Julian Bond was prevented from taking place in the Georgian Council of Representatives after making a statement against the US involvement in the Vietnam War, Morgan appealed to the United States Supreme Court successfully for Bond to sit.
He also served on the legal team of Muhammad Ali who appealed his belief in the avoidance of concept after Ali refused to serve during the Vietnam War citing religious objections, and successfully appealed the case before the US Supreme Court.
In 1967, Morgan represented Captain Howard Levy who became a military tribunal in 1967 in Fort Jackson, South Carolina, after Levy refused an order to teach dermatology to medical officers serving in the Green Beret because he considered the Special Forces "killer of peasants and female killers and children ". Morgan lifted the Nuremberg Defense on behalf of Levy, arguing that US troops committed atrocities in Vietnam and that American soldiers could legitimately refuse to comply with orders related to Vietnamese service. Levy was sentenced to three years in prison, and released after serving more than two years.
At a party in Washington, D.C., a participant from New York indicated that he would not choose Jimmy Carter to become president because of his Southern accent, which Morgan answered "It's bigotry, and it makes you a fanatic." Aryeh Neier, executive director of the ACLU, rebuked Morgan, and criticized Morgan for taking a public position on candidates for public office. Morgan resigned from office in April 1976, citing bureaucratic efforts at the ACLU to limit his public statements.
After leaving the ACLU, he spent the rest of his career in private practice. He represents the Tobacco Institute in his opposition to smoking bans and won a number of cases for Sears, Roebuck and the Company where the Commission for Cooperation Opportunities has accused corporate racial and sexual discrimination for not complaining from employees but because EEOC analyzes data from Sears which is interpreted as evidence of discrimination. Sears won their case, in part, because the EEOC could not produce a single witness suspected of recruiting or discriminatory promotion in Sears.
During his lifetime Charles Morgan wrote two books: A Time to Speak (explaining his experience before 1963) and One Man, One Vote (describing his experiences in the 1960s and 1970s). In A Time to Speak , Morgan writes: "What life is like in Birmingham? Nobody really knows and no one is going to make this city part of the United States Birmingham is not a dying city ; it's off . "
Morgan died at the age of 78 on January 8, 2009, at his home in Destin, Florida, as a result of complications from Alzheimer's disease.
Maps Charles Morgan Jr.
Work
- Charles Morgan: Time to speak , New York: Holt, Rinehart an Winston, 1964, ISBN: 0-03-013956-2
References
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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